Tuesday 24 June 2014

CHINA: Refusing to Forget - part 2



"In the twenty first century, America will have no relationship more important than its relationship with China. Our leaders must have their eyes wide open and know whom they're dealing with as they build this relationship. The best way to protect America is to help transform China into a peaceful and benevolent society. Respect for basic human rights, the freedom to worship, rule of law, and free media are all part of that necessary transformation. Still, the true transformation of China will not be political or social; it will be a transformation of the heart . . . "
                                                                                              Chai Ling


      When I had finished reading, A Heart For Freedom, by Chai Ling; and notwithstanding the discussion that would have taken place beforehand; I found myself taking issue with the title of this book. For what struck me about Ling, in this extraordinary story, was her capacity to love; a love that finds its fullness when, towards the conclusion of her story, she commits her life to Christ. But I understood, that when it comes to publishing and the marketplace, things are not that straightforward, which was why I thought I could see the hand of the editor, in the word "FREEDOM", emblazoned in the title and set against the iconic image of the young man, with his bag of shopping, defiantly holding up the progress of a column of tanks, through Beijing. But, from the editor's point of view, why not? For central to this story are the peaceful student protests of 1989, that began in Tiananmen Square, before spreading to other cities in China; and which, in the end, were put down without mercy. But for me and echoing Saint Augustine, a more appropriate title would have been, A Hart For Love. And yes, set against this same iconic image. And in this context, I must leave it to Chai Ling to explain why love matters.

Invited to a conference in Oslo in Norway on the theme "The Anatomy of Hate", this is how she describes her contribution:

"When it was my turn to speak, I said we are born with a good sense of right and wrong, and as children we know the difference between love and hate. When we are brainwashed, however, and hate takes on a moral justification - for example, "It is right to hate an enemy of the state" - the boundary between love and hate becomes blurred. Violence and hatred accelerate because we aren't equipped with the necessary constraints. This was the essence of the Tiananmen massacre, when the leadership and the army jumped the boundary with the excuse that they were "protecting the country" to cover their wrongdoing. It never would have happened, I said, if the Chinese people had been allowed to listen to the truth instead of government propaganda. I concluded by saying that freedom of speech and freedom of the press are essential foils to the free reign of pure hatred." (p.237)

Now there was nothing in Chai Ling's childhood that would have prepared her for such a conclusion. Both her parents were doctors in the People's Liberation Army; and on that account spent long periods away from home. In one instance, almost a year, in response to the devastating earthquake in Tangshan in 1976. So the most important formative influence in her young life, was Grandma:

"Her face had many wrinkles, and her tiny body had withered with age, but hidden within her small frame was the heart of a hardworking, enduring tireless woman. The veins that stood out like blue ropes on the backs of her hands were a testimony to years of manual labour in the fields. . . She had married Grandpa at a young age and gave birth to seven surviving children, often returning to the fields within days of delivery.

"As with many traditional Chinese women, the years of hard labour and subsistence living had left Grandma with a strong set of values and traditions. Because Grandpa had died of starvation during the three-year famine in the late 1950s, Grandma was extremely careful not to waste food. She never started a meal when we did, but would wait for us to finish and then eat our leftovers She got up early every morning at five o'clock when my parents did their calisthenics, and began to make breakfast, wash clothes, and straighten up the house. She often went tottering about on her bound feet to gather twigs and leaves for kindling. On bone-chilling winter mornings, we would see her form rising and falling in the grey mist; and when she returned with an armful of sticks, her silvery-gray hair, which normally was combed neatly and coiled up into a bun, was blown down all over her forehead." (p.5)

She had, we are told, a heart full of "mercy and kindness" towards the less fortunate, after which, Ling recounts that moment of pure joy and youthful transformation, that she saw in Grandma when she told her that she was going to Peking University.

Nor were her parents overtly political; nor did they convey, if they had witnessed it, any sense of the dark side of Communism. But when Ling finally plucked up the courage to tell her father that she wasn't going to join the Communist Youth League; or Party, in the bitter tirade that followed, she also had to admit to not having studied the works of Mao. At that, and as Ling describes it, it becomes all too apparent, that her father was acutely sensitive to the expectations and possible consequences, for families within the People's Liberation Army, who did not behave as expected, that is, display a total commitment to Communism, and in particular, to the thoughts of Chairman Mao.

Except that the stakes were so high, this might have been any row between parents and a teenage child. But the stakes were high, with her father laying down the law, and Ling overwrought by the onslaught, but still refusing to concede to her father's wishes; and mother, doing her heroic best, to restore calm and order. But, on this occasion, there was to be no meeting of minds. Not only did Ling not comply with her father's wishes, but instead, rearranged her study program so as to get away from home a year earlier than planned, and all on account of a teacher recently arrived at her school. "What's so special about Party members anyway?" Ling angrily asked her father, before defiantly holding up the example of Mrs Qian who, though not a Party member, was, in her view, far better than many who were:

". . . Her name was Mrs Qian, and she soon became my best friend, mentor, and enlightened instructor. It was she who helped me learn to think for myself. A few afternoons each week, I stopped by her house after school for a heart-to-heart talk. Gradually I came to know her unusual life story, how she had fallen from a prestigious family in Beijing to our remote village in Shandong." (p.20)

Over four pages Chai Ling documents the misfortunes that befell this capitalist family, after 1949, and particularly during the Cultural Revolution, that began in 1966, a fate encapsulated in this encounter:

   "One afternoon when I entered Mrs Qian's courtyard gate, I ran into a man dressed like a peasant, his dark face wrinkled like a walnut. He was not quite standing and not quite sitting outside the house, smoking a cigarette. He reminded me of the country people I often saw at the bus stop, the ones the city people made fun of for their backward ways and appearance.
   After the man had left, Mrs Qian said to me, somewhat uncomfortably, "That is the father of my children. He fixed a tractor for the production team today and stopped by to see the kids because he was in the neighbourhood. Don't pay attention to what he looks like now: twenty years ago when he was an air force pilot, he was really handsome and had a great spirit."" (p.21)

After which she tells us that:

   "Dumbfounded I watched the stooped-over man hobble off into the distance. I couldn't for the life of me relate him to the Mrs Qian I knew. I'll never forget the image of that man; it was as if life had squeezed him dry of the spirit of vigour and youth. What kind of force could do such a frightening thing?" (p.22)
___________

In the four years that she was at university, Ling tells us that she managed to "steer clear of anything that resembled political activity" and the reason was unsurprising:

"In my newfound freedom I still had not completely escaped my father's sphere of control and protection. Somewhere in my subconscious lurked the fear that getting involved in politics would endanger my loved ones. Memories of my grandmother's pale face reminded me from time to time of the risk of wandering into dangerous territory . . ." 

But politics apart the picture that she paints of her time at Beida, (a pet name for the university), is idyllic:

". . . The lake, the bell tower at the top of a little hill, and the gardens that flower year-round give Beida a feeling of secluded peace and privilege. In such an idyllic setting, it was hard for any young student not to feel the zest of enthusiasm. The Triangle was the heart of campus, the place where, all day long, students' paths crossed on the way to class, to the dining hall, or to exercise. And it was there at the Triangle we encountered a blizzard of postings for lectures by famous visitors, English contests, sporting events, weekend dances, musical performances, film showings, and flyers for the occasional demonstration or local election. The bewildering array of announcements gave a newcomer the sense of a campus bursting with fresh life . . ."

In this environment she flourished and became, she tells us: "the real young woman I was created to be: radiant, active, curious, trusting and full of zest."

It was Mrs Qian who first introduced her to the life and work of the Nobel prize winning scientist, Madame Curie; and wanting to emulate her, Ling applied herself assiduously to study, in the hope that at university, she would be allowed to study physics. But for reasons that she explains, this wasn't possible, nor was she allowed to follow her preferred second subject, psychology, but instead, was assigned to geology. But such was her resolve, (she had participated fully, though unofficially, in the psychology course for two years), that the authorities were persuaded, and she was allowed to transfer to psychology. And the reasons why this matters in understanding who Ling is, runs deep.

Having first explained why, during the Cultural Revolution, and on Mao's instruction, the study of psychology was banned, and the psychology lectures sent to work among peasants as an aid to "thought reform", she has this to say on the significance of the change, for her:

"The lectures on Maslow's hierarchy of needs opened up a whole new dimension to me. During my growing-up-years, my parents had exemplified devotion and discipline. They subordinated their personal needs and sacrificed their lives for a cause larger than life: the nation and its people. They were my role models, together with a cultural icon named Lei Feng, whose sacrificial service to the army and China was highly praised throughout the country, and they had instilled in me a belief in these ideals. But I could never truly relate to them. At Beida, I discovered a theory that addressed human psychological needs. I began to understand that we had a need for physical safety and well-being, but also for love and belonging, esteem and what Maslow called self-actualization, or realizing ones full potential.
   "This was extraordinary/ Never before had I questioned my fundamental beliefs. I had grown up in a system that had divided people into opposite categories: good or bad, red or black, hero or enemy. Things were either right or wrong, there was no middle ground. These new psychological theories fascinated me. As I began to question the assumptions that had formed who I was, I realized that there might be more than just two sides to human behaviour. I wanted to learn more by declaring a major in psychology." (p.36). 

Now not withstanding the care that Ling had taken not to become involved in politics, in the end, and after she had graduated, she married Feng. She first came across him in 1987 outside the library talking to other students, and she kept listening until there was just the two of them; and Feng was a revolutionary.

"All sense of time vanished. My curiosity and admiration seemed to encourage him to talk more. Though I could never have imagined we would soon be lovers and destined to marry and lead a student revolution. I was attracted to his spirit - sincere, pure, and brave." (pp.60-61)

At the time there had been tensions on the campus over the arrest of thirty-six students who had been campaigning for open elections, and when a permit to demonstrate, as required, had been refused this fledgling democracy movement went ahead and protested in Tiananmen Square; and one of them was Feng.

__________

Now as it has never been my intention in this blog, to discuss in any detail, the events that took place in Tiananmen Square; but rather to try to create a sense of who Chai Ling is, before turning to an aspect of her autobiography that puzzled me, I can't just change direction without a paragraph on Tiananmen and its consequences. And while my focus is on Ling, I am mindful that hundreds of thousands of others were involved in the protests, many hundreds, if not thousands of whom were slaughtered. And slaughter is a wholly appropriate word to use, in respect of those students and others, who, when fleeing along Chang'an Avenue were pursued by tanks and crushed to death as they fled.

When Ling married Feng in 1988 what she most wanted was a career, and to live happily with Feng. But without either intending, or wanting it, over the weeks of protest in 1989, she surfaced as a leader: in the first instance as Commander in Chief of those on hunger strike; and at the point where the protests were at their most fraught, and though there was a standing committee: the Defend Tiananmen Square Headquarters, Ling became Commander in Chief for the Square. As Commander in Chief for the hunger strikers, her task was primarily to ensure their safety: to see that there were a sufficient number of students to protect them from being attacked; and a safe means of evacuating them to hospital where it was necessary. And the numbers were never stable. At first there were a few hundred on hunger strike, and by the end, the numbers were in the thousands. And as the title suggest, as Commander in Chief of the Square, she was the leader and recognizable figure when it came to negotiations with officials, maintaining order and advising the vast crowd as to what was actually happening, as opposed to the fear and confusion that was inevitable and generated by rumour and deliberate misinformation. It was a period fraught with danger for everyone, the chief of which, was that the students might unwittingly provide the army with an excuse to attack them. But, there were other less obvious dangers for Ling, as, on 3 June, the final military assault on Tiananmen Square got underway:

"Around eleven o'clock at night, [June 3rd] after another peaceful day, a young man burst into the headquarters tent, shouting, "They're really shooting!"He instantly had our full attention. "We were all in a line," he continued, "holding each other's arms. Ping was standing next to me. He was telling me how tired he was after several days without any sleep. I saw a flash. Then I heard a crack over where the soldiers were. Ping fell down. I kicked him, laughing. "Don't fool around like that," I said. "You can sleep after tonight."  He didn't answer."
   The young man's mouth was wide open. His face was set with tears. "I reached down to get him up, and" - his hands formed a big circle - "he was dead. He had a huge hole in his back."
   Around midnight news of other casualties in other parts of the city became more frequent. One worker broke into the tent and pointed a gun at me. "Chai Ling," he shouted, "so many of my fellow workers have died to protect you students. If you withdraw from the Square, I'll shoot you. And I'll shoot you if you don't ask students to arm themselves and join the fight too."
   No sooner had I calmed him down than another student came in. This one had a knife which he pointed at me. "Chai Ling, so many students are being killed . . . . I'm going to cut your throat if you don't order the students to leave."
   Growing up I was trained to speak softly and treat people gently, as befits a humble Chinese woman. But I was fed up with taking this kind of abuse. I stood up and pressed my body against his knife. "Go ahead," I said, "cut my throat now." This surprised him and he paused for a second, looking into my eyes. Then a weird grin stole over his face and he fled." (p.185).

__________

Now something that perplexed me while reading Ling's autobiography, was the candour with which she wrote about her personal experience of abortions, and especially as I knew from the inset photographs, that she had a young family. But as I am not one to skip pages so as to satisfy my curiosity ahead of schedule, I kept reading, and wondering, until in the closing chapters it became clear that what Ling was disclosing, about herself, was a truth inextricably linked to Tiananmen Square, and to what the students had hope to change: the character of a government, and a system, that besides being corrupt, is, in some fundamental respects, inhuman. It is a full disclosure, that came only after a good deal of though, confiding in others, anguish, and prayer, (and the asking for a sign from God), as to what she should do; and the knowledge that her husband Bob, in whom she had confided, (and who, to begin with, had understandable concerns), would support her, whatever she choose to do.

For me, this aspect of the story was an unexpected turn of events, and a twist that forced me to think about China's one child policy, in all its starkness, as never before. Because what Chai Ling does, in telling the whole truth, is to make the connection between the implementation of the one child policy, abortion, and gendercide. And the story that she has to tell is truly shocking.

What brought the question of abortion to the fore in Ling's consciousness, was the testimony given by Wujian, at a Senate hearing on China's forced abortion policy, at which she was present. And it is in the context of that policy, that we must accept Ling's later statement, that when living in China, she never had a concept of when life began  And even if you have a strong stomach, as I have, like me, you might well find Ling's description of Wujian's testimony, disturbing:

"The hearing chaired by Congressman Chris Smith of New Jersey, a devout Christian and longtime opponent of  China's forced abortion policies, and human rights violations, included testimony from Reggie Littlejohn, as well as witnesses such as Harry Wu, who is well known for his fight against laogai - the forced labour system in China; a human rights lawyer from Shangdong Province, who testified about ongoing abuse; the leader of the Uighurs, an oppressed minority in China; and Wujian, a victim of forced abortion. I was not prepared for her testimony.

"When Wujian became pregnant before she had received a birth permit to have a child, she tried to hide her pregnancy in hopes of avoiding a forced abortion. But the family planning officials in her county beat and tortured her father, forcing her to choose one life over another - her father's or her baby's. When they discovered her hiding place, she was dragged into a hospital for an abortion. After one shot, the baby stopped moving, but somehow remained inside her, raising Wujian's hopes that her baby might survive the toxic shots and live. But on the third day before Wujian realized what was happening, she was taken to an operating room and scissors were inserted into her body, cutting her baby to pieces. Above her helpless cries, all she could hear was the sound of the scissors. At last, the doctor pulled out a small baby foot, with five fully formed toes the size of corn kernels. The picture was forever seared into Wujian's mind. At the moment of her baby's death, part of Wujian's life was gone forever."

A testimony that brought an inner cry of anguish from Ling:

"When she reached this point in her testimony, my heart was broken with pain and sadness, for Wujian and her helpless child and for every mother and unborn baby in China. Her shocking report of cruelty brought back memories of the helplessness and pain I had felt during the June 4 massacre. That night was so brutal, yet we had no strength to stop it, and the rest of the world could not stop it either."  (pp.286-87)

Now a consequence of Ling finally telling the whole truth, about her experiences of abortion, was that it helped other women from China, who for years, had lived with feelings of guilt and shame, to unburden themselves; while at a practical level, it led to the setting up of  All Girls Allowed.

"Terror" and "torment", are the words that Ling uses to describe life under the one child policy, and in that context, statistics, taken in isolation, are wholly inadequate. But, quote them I must; and as they are not all at one point in the narrative, I am summarizing them here.:

1   The combined ages of a couple wanting to marry in China has to be 48
2   Though married, a birth permit will not be granted until the wife is 25
3   It is illegal for single women (as well as for married women under the age of 25), to give birth.
4   86 percent of all Chinese women have had at least one abortion, and 52 percent have had at least two or more.
5   According to the Chinese government's own statistics for 2009 and 2010, of the 16 million abortions  :carried out in each year, 70 percent, (11.2 million), were for unmarried women and their children :

"Many of them are driven into the clinics by subtle - yet no less lethal - shame and family and social pressure, not by overt physical attacks such as Wujian endured. These women may not even realize they are victims of the one child policy." (p.298).

6   A 1988 study by Beijing University found that the abortion rate in urban areas was 101 abortions for every 100 live births.
7   Every 2.5 seconds, a baby's life is taken by abortion in China.
8   Every day, thirty five thousand forced abortions take place
9   On account of the one child policy, some 500 women a day, in China, commit suicide
10 In the context of gendercide, one million baby girls are abandoned each year.

And in the context of gendercide more broadly, (a practice that is not unique to China), Ling has this to say::

"The preference for sons and the one-child policy are a lethal combination. Daily, thousands of baby girls are aborted or killed simply because they are girls. With so many girls now "missing" in China, the surplus of thirty seven-million unmarried young men is bound to cause security and economic problems. With a shortage of available mates for all these eligible bachelors, trafficking of little girls and young women is now out of control in China. All Girls Allowed discovered a city of three million people that has had (over a thirty-year period) as many as six hundred thousand "child brides" - little girls stolen early (so they cannot find their way home), who are then sold to be raised as child brides in strangers homes." (p.300)

And in the context of the abortion debate in America and elsewhere, Ling makes this appeal:

"With more than four hundred million lives taken in the past thirty years, ending China's one-child policy, the forced and coerced abortion and gendercide of girls, is the most profound social justice cause in the world today. It is one that should unite people on both sides of the abortion issue. Chinese women have no choice, and their babies have no life." (p.301)

__________

Now for  me the most poignant moment in Ling's long and contorted journey, came at the point where she describes when, and how, she committed her life to Christ. ("Jesus") For I understood something of the pain of her journey and was pleased that she had found peace at last. And I was impressed by the account of her life as a "Jesus follower", of the communal aspect and the practical help and support that came in the form of mentoring as she took her first steps as a disciple of Christ. And given the attitudes of some American Christian fundamentalists, it was a privilege to follow her around the "Sacred Spaces" as she struggled to come to terms with her past. So in this context, it is understandable that she concludes her narrative with the fervour of an evangelist. But though I share her faith, I am not as confident about the future for China as she is: her belief in a profound Divine intervention. As someone who was born during the Second World War and could not but be aware of the three great despots of the twentieth century: Stalin, Mao and Hitler, in that order, of the Vietnam War, and the tragedy of Cambodia; (to say nothing of the modern tragedy of my own Christian country, Ireland), it is hard to conceive of a China as transformed as she envisions it. And when I think of China, I can't help thinking of the madness, desolation and suffering of the people of North Korea, the details of which are nothing like as prominent in the public consciousness, as are the affairs of China. All of that said, I am at one with Ling in her conclusion.

In the closing paragraphs she describes being surprised to receive an email from a friend, Li Lanjiu, a Christian student from Hong Kong who was with them in Tiananmen Square. She had sent a journal entry written in 1999, on the tenth anniversary of the massacre.  In it she described her experience of the killings and went on to narrate how over the years she had asked of God, the same two questions:

"Where were you on the day of the massacre?"and, "Where were you when all those people were gunned down?"

They were questions that she had asked in anger, but, as Ling puts it, on the tenth anniversary, "she quieted her heart and waited for him to answer":

"At that moment, the image reappeared in her mind that had haunted her for the past ten years: a young student dying of a gunshot wound, his face covered with blood, but still repeating as he lay on the ground,, "Persevere until the end, persevere until the very end."

"Just then she saw another figure, coming up slowly from far away. He also had blood covering his face,, but Li was not afraid or shaken. Even though she could not see him clearly, she recognized him as he walked up calmly, with peace and dignity. Then the picture of the young, dying student and the approaching figure merged into one, and Li heard a gentle voice say, "How could you not know where I was? I was right here.""
__________

Note: On this the 25th anniversary of the massacre in Tiananmen Square, this is the second of two blogs in support of those, known and unknown, who are still living with the consequences, as well as those who are daily suffering the injustices of the laogai system, etc., please share the link to this blog with your friends.
__________
© Cormac E. McCloskey

A Heart For FREEDOM
by Chai Ling
Tyndale House Publishers, Inc, Illinois,  (2011)
ISBN 978-1-4143-6246-5

Image: Chai Ling (Wikimedia Commons)

All Girls Allowed 
History of the one-child policy

Wednesday 4 June 2014

CHINA: Refusing To Forget - part 1





"To belittle what happened in Tiananmen Square is to ignore something everyone needs to know about. China."   Mary Dejevsky 

Modern China

For those living in the totalitarian state that is China, today is "May 35th," while for the rest of us it is June 4th. But much more important, for all of us, is, that it is the 25th anniversary of the massacre in Tiananmen Square. On that day, and with the world watching, the Chinese Communist government choose to use its mailed fist on its youngest, brightest and most idealistic citizens. Having come to power, and remained in power, through successive reigns of terror, terror was the means they chose to use, to make it clear, that they would brook no dissent. So today, the reality of what passes as representative of a modern progressive China, (apart from the Shanghai skyline), are political thugs in suits.

   This concept of "May 35th" is taken from the title of a children's story by the German author Erich Kastner. It is a work of fantasy and satire, and tells the story of the boy Conrad and his journey to the South Seas. And absurd though it is, "May 35" bears witness to the Internet censorship with which the people of China have to contend on a daily basis. An abuse of power, that extends well beyond the scope of the Internet itself, and into the very fabric of Chinese society.

Harry Wu and the laogai: China's system of slave-labour


Harry Wu Captured in 1995 on his fifth return visit to China where he was secretly documenting conditions in the camps. Under severe public pressure he was released after sixty six days, and allowed to return to the U.S.
__________

Today the chief exponent of this all pervasive system of control and repression is Harry Wu. Born in Shanghai to wealthy parents in 1937, he has lived for many years in America, where, in 1992, he set up the Laogai Research Foundation, whose purpose was, and is, "to gather information on and raise public awareness of human rights violations in China's prison system." Then, in 2008, he opened the Laogai Museum, the only museum of its kind, whose purpose, through the use of exhibits and resource material, is to educate and encourage the public to confront "the Tragic Legacy of China's Laogai System of Forced Labour  Prisons." And Harry Wu knew from bitter personal experience why his foundations were necessary.


Harry Wu showing an exhibit to the Dalai Lama during his visit to the Laogai Museum in Washington DC, October 2009: Source Wikipedia
__________

Graduating with a degree in geology from university in Beijing, Harry Wu, when a student, fell foul of Mao's "One Hundred Flowers Campaign" when students and intellectuals were encouraged to say what they thought of the Communist Party and society more generally. Cautious, he voiced some criticism of the Soviet Communist Party crackdown in Hungary, [Hungarian Revolution 1956] only to find himself stranded, when Mao reversed the policy and deemed those who had raised their heads above the parapet as the true enemies of the Party. For his pains, Harry Wu spent 19 years in China's forced labour prisons:

"I was twenty three, a college graduate raised in an affluent, urban family, and a political criminal. Xing Jingping, three years younger than I, was a peasant from a starving village, a thief with no education and no political viewpoint. The gulf between us was vast, yet I grew to admire him as the most capable and influential teacher of my life."   


What brought this accolade from Harry Wu was, that Xing had taught him how to fight for survival in the camps: "how to dig for underground rat burrows in order to find clean cashes of grain and beans which then could later be boiled for food" so as not to die from starvation. (1)

Statistics on the scale of deaths, related to slave labour (Laugai) in China
The statistics associated with laogai (a three tiered system of oppression), are truly shocking. In 2008 the Laogai Research Foundation suggested that there were 6.8 million people still detained in a network of some 1,045 "facilities". While estimate vary, the total number of deaths since the laogai was established by Mao in the 1950s, range from 15 to 27 million.. Harry Wu suggests 15 million. Professor R.J. Rummel, the very precise figure of 15,720,000, that doesn't take account of "all those collectivized, ill-fed and clothed peasants who would be worked to death in the fields." Jan-Louis Margolin, one of the contributors to The Black Book of Communism, (1997), suggests 20 million. (2). But In, Mao: The Unknown Story  Jung Chang and the historian Jon Halliday suggest that 27 million may have died in prisons and labour camps during Mao's rule.

"Mao intended most of the population - children and adults alike- to witness violence and killing. His aim was to scare and brutalize the entire population, in a way that went much further than either Stalin or Hitler, who largely kept their foulest crimes out of sight.

"More might well have been killed if it had not been for their value as slave labour. Mao said as much in one order: some people had "committed crimes that deserved to be punished by death," but they must not be killed, partly because "we would loose a large labour force  . . ." * (3)

The three tiers of the laogai system are: convict labour; re-education through labour, and Juyao: a system of enforced residence, whereby as many as 70 percent of those released from the camps are required to live and work in designated areas. And the tentacles of all three aspects of laogai, are the means by which the civilian population are not just coerced, but deprived of some of the most basic of human rights.

Under this system, any citizen, can be detained (without trial), for up to three years; and on the flimsiest of charges,  i.e., "not engaged in honest pursuits," or "being able but refusing to work." And such is the duplicity, that in the absence of a trial and conviction, those forcibly detained, are referred to as "personnel".And as these detentions are carried out by the local security forces, the Communist Party's central government feels empowered to deny that these detentions are politically motivated  And meantime, those who have been detained (without trial) and assigned to the camps, are forced to undergo a program of re-education through labour: a program of two hours of indoctrination at the end of each days work.

Civil liberties and the Chinese Constitution
Now not only is laogai an affront to the most basic of civil liberties, but it also runs counter to China's own Constitution: to Article 35, that guarantees its citizens "freedom of speech, of the press, of assembly of association, of procession and demonstration." And yet, post Tiananmen, the Communist Party, through a series of legislative changes, has been assiduous in curtailing these liberties: by tightening the rules under which, all independent social groups, are required by law, to register with the government.

More repressive legislation, Post Tiananmen.
In 1998 China's State Council issued two sets of regulations: Regulations on the Registration and Management of Social Groups, and Provisional Regulations on the Registration and Management of People - Organized Non-enterprise Units; and the thinking behind them is self evident.

(1) The number of legal requirements and time necessary in which to establish a social group were increased.                      
(2) The authorities were given more leeway so as to prevent the registration of selected groups, and
(3) The involvement of people in social groups who had lost their political rights, was forbidden.
(4) The controls that could be placed on social groups by their "official government sponsors", were increased, and,
(5) Funding for such groups was reduced.

A year earlier (1997) and so as to draw more people into the system of controls, the scope of what constitutes collusion "with foreign states to harm the sovereignty, territorial integrity and security of the People's Republic of China", was widened. Article 9 of the criminal code was amended, so as to include "foreign institutions, organizations, and individuals" as well as foreign states. So not only did the broadening of the code allow the state to regulate more public activities, but the ambiguity of the language used, also allows the courts greater latitude in interpreting a multitude of attitudes as criminal. And there was more.

In this same year, the definition of of what constitutes a counterrevolutionary crime, was changed, so as to allow the Communist Party leadership, to criminalize any activity that it chooses to see as a threat to "state security". Where previously, the crime of counterrevolutionary activity was defined as, "all acts endangering the People's Republic of China committed with the goal of overthrowing the political power of the dictatorship," it was now loosely defined as, "endangering state security." (4)

Desmond Tutu and Chen Guangcheng call on world leaders to help bring an end to repression in China and in particular, to the laogai system of oppression. 
Now accepting that these legislative changes took place some 16/17 years ago, allow me to draw your attention to an article written jointly by Archbishop Desomnd Tutu and, the blind, and now exiled lawyer, Chen Guangcheng. It was published on 6 March 2013 and it was an appeal to world leaders to make the year leading up to the 25th anniversary of the Tiananmen Square massacre "A Year of Human Rights in China." Politely, they expressed the hope that the new incoming president Xi Jinping who had called for a ""renaissance" in China and the realization of the China dream; would be of a like mind with the "many in the Chinese leadership and media who have recognized that the dream for China can not become a reality without social and political reforms." After which they addressed the world's leaders in clear and unambiguous term:

"Since China's Cultural Revolution literally millions of Chinese citizens have been forced into slave labour camps for offences related to thought and expression. In recent times these include increasing percentages of innocents, including lawyers who tried to defend their own rights and rights of others, or ordinary public who tried to uphold their rights and were abducted and sent to jail to be persecuted; and those who have done no more than state their loyalty to their religious leader, His Holiness the Dali Lama, participate in Christian religions which have not been "authorized" by the Communist Party, or practice Falun Gong, a spiritual meditation system based on the ancient traditions of China itself.

"Reports from former inmates of the laogai camps detail prisoners living on the edge of starvation and exhaustion in infested and horrific environments, while being forced to produce commercial goods - commercial goods which we have unknowingly purchased in Western stores. Uncounted numbers of prisoners, credibly believed to be in the tens of thousands, have been executed and their organs harvested for sale, a practice so despicable  it is surely beyond our comprehension.

"As we approach this historic anniversary, today's world's leaders have the opportunity to distinguish themselves from leaders of the past, who,  for the sake of economic progress or in the name of "national security," have turned a blind eye to atrocities committed by Chinese leaders against their own citizenry. We ask our leaders to speak on our behalf  to President Xi Jinping and the Chinese Communist Party.. Tell them what they already know - that the dream of China can be realized only when its citizens' universal human rights and dignity are upheld and respected. And that the laogai system and the brutal repression of freedom of thought, conscience and speech, the most basic of human rights, will remain a festering sore on the Chinese dream until it is addressed and removed." (5).        

Human rights in China and the 2008 Olympic Games.
Now this appeal to world leaders, that they would be a beacon of light on behalf of the oppressed people of China, however well intentioned, left me feeling deeply skeptical, for I was instantly reminded of the 2008 Olympic Games. We were in Morocco when the games were awarded to China, and I recall being moved by the response when the news broke in China: of people crying openly. For me, these were tears of both joy and sadness, a cry of pain from a society that for so long had been locked out, and who, (even it they hadn't realized it, or dared to hope for it), now knew that they were accepted by the rest of the world. And I was reminded also of the fact that after the games there was disquiet at the failure of the Olympic Committee to deliver what the Chinese authorities had promised:: the free association of spectators at the games. So I went in pursuit of the Olympic Committee's report on the games and read this:

"Ultimately the games should be seen as a bridge - a bridge between countries, continents, cultures, religions and generations. The Beijing 2008 Games have surely contributed to China's opening up to the world and becoming more integrated within the international community. Through the Games, the world learned more about China, and China learned more about the world." (6)

These are the words of the President of the International Olympic Committee. Jacques Rogge, and they are taken from his introductory remarks to the Final Report of the International Olympic Coordinating Commission. And there is more, in a similar vein. But for the purpose of this blog, I want to focus on the concluding sentiment that is highlighted in the IOC report, that:  "Through the Games, the world learned more about China, and China learned more about the world." And they are important words, for they appeared to find an echo in remarks made to journalists by Xi Jinping, after he was appointed General Secretary of the Communist Party in November 2012:

"Friends from the press . . ."
"Friends from the press, China needs to learn more about the world, and the world needs to learn more about China. I hope you will continue to make more efforts and contributions to deepening the mutual understanding between China and the countries of the world."

These words of Xi Jinping's are quoted by Reporters Without Borders in the context of the publication of the World Freedom of Information Index, for 2014; and this is what they have to say about them:

"Woe to any journalist who thought he was saying "Describe China's stark realities" when what he really meant was "Follow the party's propaganda to the letter!" Since the speech, the authorities have arrested more journalists and bloggers, cracked-down harder on cyber dissidents, reinforced online content control and censorship and stepped up restrictions on the foreign media."

And in the context of China exporting its methods, (in that it is a model of censorship and repression in the area), they draw attention to Vietnam and Decree 72, introduced in 2013, that places severe restrictions on the use of the Internet:. What Amnesty describe as, taking censorship to a new level:

"Vietnam has stepped [up] information control to the point of being close to catching up with its Chinese big brother. Independent news providers are subject to enhanced internet clairvoyance, draconian directives, waves of arrests, and sham trials. Vietnam continues to be the world's second largest prison for bloggers. Of the 34 bloggers currently detained, 25 were arrested since Nquyen Phu Trong became the party's general secretary in January 2011.

And in respect of the World Freedom of Information Index, for 2014, China came 175th, in a list of 180 countries. (7)

Refusing to Forget
Now if it wasn't for the fact that it is the 25th anniversary of the Tiananmen Square massacre, I would be sorely tempted to stop digging in the bottomless and depressing pit that is the history of human rights abuses in China; abuses that were, and are, both ideological and political.. But as the title I have chosen for this blog: "Refusing to Forget" speaks for me, as I am certain that it does for others, allow me to sketch out a few more current examples of abuse and suffering, that I have collected along the way. After which, and in a later blog, I will reflect, (again in the context of the 25th anniversary of Tiananmen), on the past, on the present, and on the future for China, (and for us), in the context of, A Heart for Freedom : an autobiography by Chai Ling

Liu Xiaobo and Charter 08

In 2010 Liu Xiaobo was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize, for what the citation described as "....his long and non-violent struggle for fundamental human rights in China."; an award that he was unable to accept in person as he was serving an eleven year prison sentence in China. So during the award ceremony the citation and medallion commemorating the award were placed on the chair that he should have occupied.  Born in 1955 Liu Xiabo studied literature and politics, and later established himself as a literary critic and university lecturer. He lectured in Europe and the USA; and was one of a number of young "intellectuals", who joined the hunger strike in Tiananmen Square, and spent two years in prison as a consequence. Later, and for daring to challenge the system of one party rule, he spent three years in a labour camp. And agaian in 2009, he was imprisoned for11 years, for endangering state security, (but in truth), for his organizing, and being a signatory to, Charter 08.

Charter 08: signed by 250 Chinese intellectuals and human rights activists, was published to coincide with the 60th anniversary of The United Nations Universal Declaration On Human Rights, and among its 19 demands  were calls for constitutional reform, the separation of powers, reform of the judiciary and the election of public officials. And such is the vengefulness of the Communist political system in China, that since 2010, his wife, Liu Xia, has been held under house arrest in Beijing, and with neither telephone or e-mill access to outsiders. Once a month, and with a police escort, she makes the long journey, (420 km) by train from Beijing to Jinzhou in Liaoning Province, to visit her husband. At most, they are allowed a half hour together. At first physical contact was allowed, (touching or an embrace). But as soon as Liu Xiaobo was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize, physical contact was forbidden and their conversations monitored. In this context, in 2012, when Liu Xia tried to tell her husband that Mo Yan (Guan Moye) had been awarded the Nobel Prize for Literature she was prevented from doing so. As soon as she uttered the word "Mo" the official monitoring their conversation, intervened.. Nor is she permitted to hand over her letters to him (8)      

Gao Yu A no less redoubtable campaigner for human rights in China, is Gao Yu. Age 70, she was reported missing by her family on 24 April, and later, the authorities confirmed that she had been "criminally detained", and that she was "deeply remorseful" and "willing to accept legal punishment." Then, in early May, CCTV broadcast her confession. With her face blurred out and wearing an orange jumpsuit, and, as The South China Morning Post reported it, she was heard to say, (to a policeman): "I think my actions have touched on legal issues, have harmed the national interest. What I have done was very wrong. I sincerely and earnestly accept to learn a lesson and plead guilty."

Her supporters were quick to dismiss this confession as made under duress, and one that would "negate any chance of a fair trial"; and in this contest they noted also, that her son, Zhao Meng, had gone missing at the same time. What she had done was leak Document No 9 that she is believe to have received, in June 2013, from a Communist Party official whom she had known from school. Dated April 2013, the document was circulated among senior Party officials. "The document is said to detail the government's vision of pushing economic reforms while maintaining ideological controls and preventing the spread of ideas such as democracy, civil society and freedom of the press." Or put another way, what the report was advocating, was a policy of active opposition the human rights agenda.

Now given this very public confession by Gao Yu, and the belief that she was coerced into making it, it is worth recalling that she has a long history of opposition to the abuse of power in China. And, as with Liu Xiaobo and many others, she continues to pay the price. When deputy editor-in-chief of the Economics Weekly, she gave her support to the Tiananmen student protests in 1989, for which, she spent 14 months in prison, and the paper for which she worked, was shut down. Then in 1993, she was sentenced to a further six years, for leaking state secrets. Since her release in 1999, she has worked as a freelance journalist. (9)

And not to be overlooked - The death penalty in China
In its, Annual Report on Human Right in China, 2013, Amnesty International drew attention to the fact that more people were executed in China than in the rest of the world put together; and for which, there are no statistics, as such information remains classified..And it drew attention also, to the fact that under current Chines law, there are no provisions that would allow prisoners sentenced to death, to seek either a pardon or commutation of their sentence. And while the report acknowledged that the death sentence on the businesswoman Wu Yung, for "fraudulently raising funds," had been rescinded, it makes it clear that the Chinese judicial system has a long way to go, if it is to comply with universally accepted standards of behaviour in respect of those condemned to death, or life imprisonment. And that section of the report that deals specifically with the death penalty ends thus:

"In November the authorities announced that a voluntary organ donation system would be launched nationwide in early 2013 to phase out reliance on organs removed from executed prisoners."

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Note: On this the 25th anniversary of the massacre in Tiananmen Square, and in support of those, known and unknown, who are still living with the consequences, as well as those who are daily suffering the injustices of the laogai system, please share the link to this blog with your friends.
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© Cormac McCloskey

       Mary Dejvevsky  : A profile
(1)  Wikipedia
(2)  Socialphy
(3)  Mao: The Unknown Story .p.338
       By Jung Chang & Jon Halliday
       Jonathan Cape London 2005
       ISBN 0-224-0726-2

(4)  Laogai: "Reform Through Labor" in China 
(5)  Huffington Post
(6)  Final Report of the IOC Coordination Commission 
(7)  Reporters Without Borders 
      Decree 72
(8)  Sources: Reuters. The Guardian. Nobel Prize website, Wang Dan and Wikipedia.
      Charter 08
      Universal Declaration on Human Rights  
(9)  Sources. BBC. South China Morning Post. Amnesty International.

      Links to related organizations
      Lagai Research Foundation
      Laogai Museum
      Human Rights Watch
     Reporters Without Borders 

      Links to interesting articles:
      "This is how China treats the wife of a Nobel peace prize winner"
      "History Matters Remembering Tiananmen (and Abu Ghraib) "
      "Tiananmen Square Massacre: Chinese Activists Call on People To Wear Black."
        Rubber Ducks 
      "Tiananmen Square Remembered: An Eye Witness Account"
       By Mary Dejevsky for The Independent
      "Re-education Through Labour Abolished Yet Arbitrary Detention Remains."
       "China cracksdown on dissent ahead of Tiananmen anniversary"
       By Jonathan Kaiman  * * An especially good and concise report
       Amnesty International Report 2013 : China 
      World Press Freedom Index 2014  
      Transparency International: Corruption Perception Index 2013
     The Black Book of Communism